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Land reform in Ethiopia : ウィキペディア英語版
Land reform in Ethiopia

The problem of land reform in Ethiopia has hampered that country's economic development throughout the late 19th and 20th centuries. Attempts to modernize land ownership by giving title either to the peasants who till the soil, or to large-scale farming programs, have been tried under imperial rulers like Emperor Haile Selassie, and under Marxist regimes like the Derg, with mixed results. The present Constitution of Ethiopia, which was put into force January 1995, vests land ownership exclusively "in the State and in the
peoples of Ethiopia." The relevant section continues, "Land is a common property of the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia and shall not be subject to sale or to other means of exchange."〔(Constitution of Ethiopia ), Article 40〕 Despite these different approaches to land reform, Ethiopia still faces issues of sustainable food self-sufficiency.
== Background ==
Prior to the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution, Ethiopia had a complex land tenure system. In Wollo Province, for example, there were an estimated 111 types of land tenure. The existence of so many land tenure systems, coupled with the lack of reliable data, has made it difficult to give a comprehensive assessment of landownership in Ethiopia. However, the tenure system can be understood in a rudimentary way if one examines it in the context of the basic distinction between landownership patterns in the north and those in the south.〔Wubne, Mulatu. "Agriculture" (and subsections). ''(A Country Study: Ethiopia )'' (Thomas P. Ofcansky and LaVerle Berry, eds.) Library of Congress Federal Research Division (1991). ''This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain.''().〕
Historically, Ethiopia was divided into the northern highlands, which constituted the core of the old Christian kingdom, and the southern highlands, most of which were brought under imperial rule by conquest. This north-south distinction was reflected in land tenure differences. In the northern regions—particularly Gojjam, Begemder and Semien (called Gondar after 1974), Tigray, highland Eritrea, parts of Wollo, and northern Shewa—the major form of ownership was a type of communal system known as ''rist''. According to this system, all descendants (both male and female) of an individual founder were entitled to a share, and individuals had the right to use (a usufruct right) a plot of family land. ''Rist'' was hereditary, inalienable, and inviolable. No user of any piece of land could sell his or her share outside the family or mortgage or bequeath his or her share as a gift, as the land belonged not to the individual but to the descent group. Most peasants in the northern highlands held at least some ''rist'' land, but there were some members belonging to minority ethnic groups who were tenant farmers.〔
The other major form of tenure was ''gult'', an ownership right acquired from the monarch or from provincial rulers who were empowered to make land grants. ''Gult'' owners collected tribute from the peasantry and, until 1966 (when ''gult'' rights were abolished in principle), exacted labor service as payment in kind from the peasants. Until the government instituted salaries in the twentieth century, ''gult'' rights were the typical form of compensation for an official.〔
Other forms of tenure included ''samon'', ''mengist'', and ''maderia'' land. ''Samon'' was land the government had granted to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church in perpetuity. Traditionally, the church had claimed about one-third of Ethiopia's land; however, actual ownership probably never reached this figure. Estimates of church holdings range from 10 - 20% of the country's cultivated land. Peasants who worked on church land paid tribute to the church (or monastery) rather than to the emperor. The state owned large tracts of agricultural land known as ''mengist'' and ''maderia''. ''Mengist'' was land registered as government property, and ''maderia'' was land granted mainly to government officials, war veterans, and other patriots in lieu of a pension or salary. Although it granted ''maderia'' land for life, the state possessed a reversionary right over all land grants; this form of tenure comprised about 12% of the country's agricultural land.〔 ''Maderia'' tenure became a far more common following the Second World War, as Emperor Haile Selassie used it to reward the ''arbegnoch'' (or "Patriots") who had fought the Italian occupiers.〔Edmund J. Keller, ''Revolutionary Ethiopia'' (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1988), p. 54〕
In general, absentee landlordism in the north was rare, and landless tenants were few. For instance, tenancy in Begemder and Semien and in Gojjam was estimated at about 20% of holdings. In the southern provinces, however, few farmers owned the land on which they worked. Southern landownership patterns developed as a result of land measurement and land grants following the Ethiopian conquest of the region in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. After the conquest, officials divided southern land equally among the state, the church, and the indigenous population. Warlords who administered the occupied regions received the state's share. They, in turn, redistributed part of their share to their officers and soldiers. The government distributed the church's share among the church hierarchy in the same manner. Officials divided the rest between the traditional leaders (balabats) and the indigenous people. Thus, the loss of two-thirds of the land to the new landlords and the church made many local people tenants (gebbars). Tenancy in the southern provinces ranged between 65% and 80% of the holdings, and tenant payments to landowners averaged as high as 50% of the produce.〔
In the lowland periphery and the Great Rift Valley, the traditional practice of transhumance and the allocation of pastoral land according to tribal custom remained undisturbed until after World War II. These two areas are inhabited by pastoralists, including the Afar and Issa in eastern Eritrea, Wollo, and Hararghe; the Somali in the Ogaden; the Borana in Sidamo and Bale; and the Karayu in the Great Rift Valley area of Shewa. The pastoral social structure is based on a kinship system with strong interclan connections; grazing and water rights are regulated by custom.

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